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Hashashins: Origins of the Order of Assassins 21:46

Hashashins: Origins of the Order of Assassins

Kings and Generals · May 11, 2026
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Transcript ~3193 words · 21:46
0:04
Many men and women of violence have been romanticised by people of later eras. Driven by pieces
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of popular culture such as the Assassin’s Creed games, the popular conception of an
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assassin has turned from that of a ruthless murderer to that of a renegade antihero, killing
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only because it is for the greater good. The foundations of this viewpoint lay within the
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historical Islamic realm which would come to be known as the Nizari Ismaili State. Welcome
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to our video on how the Nizari became the most feared assassins of their era, and how
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they eventually met their end.
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1:38
Almost simultaneously with Islam’s meteoric rise to superpower status in the seventh-century,
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internal division permanently split the new faith into two opposing parties. These were
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the Sunni - Muslims who believed that Abu Bakr’s succession of Mohammed in 632 was
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correct - and the Shia - who considered the prophet’s cousin and son-in-law Ali the
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legitimate heir - or ‘Imam’. After a series of civil wars, Umayyad leader
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Muawiyah took the caliphate from the heirs of Ali, and this subsequent struggle against
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central power defined the Shia and prompted the breakaway of many subgroups with diverging
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viewpoints. In time, the Umayyads were defeated by the Abbasids in another civil war.
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The age of Abbasid Caliph al-Mansur was the catalyst for one of these new sects - the
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Ismaili. At some point in his reign, the sixth Shia Imam Ja’far al-Sadiq declared his radical
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eldest son Ismail to be his divinely inspired successor - a doctrine known as nass. However,
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his plans were derailed in 762 when Ismail unexpectedly died at the age of 40, raising
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hard questions on who the next imam should be. When Ja’far also passed away a few years
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later, six groups disputed who the next Imam ought to be. Two of these groups became the
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first Ismaili Shia by asserting the legitimacy of Ismail despite his death, and supporting
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his descendants. In contrast, those who accepted Ismail’s younger brother Musa’s imamate
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eventually became known as ‘Twelvers’, the Shia denomination championed by the Iranian
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states, from the Safavids to the modern Islamic Republic of Iran.
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The Ismailiyah disappear from history until around the mid ninth-century, when their leaders
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burst onto the historical stage and spread the movement to regions across the faltering
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Abbasid caliphate, from the Maghreb to Khurasan. The movement managed to tear away vital pieces
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of the once unified Caliphate. An Ismaili revolt in Arabia led to the creation of a
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‘religious-utopian republic’ in modern Bahrain under the Qarmatian dynasty, whose
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slaveholding society was otherwise unusually egalitarian and communal for the age. However,
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the crowning achievement of this sectarian revolution was the establishment of al-Mahdi
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Billah’s Fatimid Caliphate in North Africa. Although the Fatimids only occupied a relatively
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small and peripheral area at first, they managed to hugely increase their power in 969 by conquering
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Egypt. Bolstered by that, the Fatimids entered what historian Farhad Daftary dubbed the ‘Ismaili
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century’. In the hundred years following Egypt’s fall to the Shia, rich and diverse
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Ismaili literature flourished in the many new libraries, blended with other traditions,
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and resulted in incredibly complex systems of thought. The Fatimids developed complex
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administrative and financial structures, in addition to re-establishing far-flung trade
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routes to India. Along with the accompanying riches and exotic goods, this exchange also
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spread Ismaili teachings to Gujurat. However, beginning in the second half of the eleventh
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century, the Fatimid star began to fade, as the Shia caliphate was faced with internal
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and external problems. A dynastic crisis shattered Ismaili unity
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forever in December 1094, when Fatimid Caliph al-Mustansir passed away. After a 58-year-long
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reign, it was widely expected that his well-prepared fifty-year-old son - Abu Mansur Nizar - would
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inherit the throne in Cairo. But the powerful vizier - al-Afdal - effectively controlled
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the government, and wanted to retain personal power. Upon al-Mustansir’s death, al-Afdal
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organized a palace coup, placing Nizar’s inexperienced 20-year-old brother Al-Musta'li
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on the throne, knowing that he could control the latter.
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This usurpation succeeded due to the support of the caliphate’s armies, as well as religious
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and court notables who were in thrall to al-Afdal, but Nizar wasn’t going to take it. He fled
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to Alexandria, where he was proclaimed Caliph by a Turkic governor. The population also
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supported him, and it seemed as though Nizar’s revolt would be a success. A Nizarist army
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repelled an attack by the vizier’s troops and even advanced close to Cairo, however
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al-Afdal marshaled his superior resources and besieged Alexandria, leading to Nizar’s
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surrender in 1095. Soon the rightful Fatimid ruler had been imprisoned and executed by
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immurement. Most of the Ismaili religious communities
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in Egypt and Syria eventually came to terms with the succession. Persian and other adherents
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in the Muslim east, refused, continuing to support the martyred prince’s house and
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becoming the independent Nizari. One prominent figure of the Nizari Ismaili would spearhead
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their movement and found what would become known as the Assassins' Order - Hasan-i Sabbah.
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Although he was born in a Twelver family in Qom, Iran, at some point around 1050, Hasan
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had been educated in nearby Rey. After initially believing the Ismaili doctrine to be heretical,
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he came into contact with a prominent local Ismaili missionary at 17 and was convinced
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of the sect’s legitimacy. To prove his newfound devotion genuine, Hasan swore allegiance to
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al-Mustansir in faraway Cairo. He then travelled to Egypt in 1078 and stayed there for three
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years. During his time in Fatimid lands, Hasan always
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favoured Nizar’s faction and acted against the vizier - at the time al-Afdal’s father
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- a fact which eventually saw him banished in early 1081. Having been thus expelled,
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he returned to Isfahan. By this time, the once majestic Abbasid Caliphate had been all
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but subsumed by the all-conquering Seljuk Turks. These new invaders established a Sunni
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military empire which stretched from Khurasan to Anatolia, ruthlessly persecuting Ismaili
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‘heretics’ as they did so. In opposition to his new Seljuk overlords, Hasan traveled
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their empire as a missionary for 9 years, gauging their military strength and formulating
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a strategy of resistance. In 1087, the Ismaili firebrand started dispatching
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other missionaries into the vicinity of a remote and nigh-invulnerable mountain fortress
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known as Alamut, located in the area just south of the Caspian Sea, to ‘Ismailize’
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its population. He withstood numerous Seljuk attempts to stop his underground activity
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and managed to remain in hiding. In late 1090, Hasan moved via mountainous routes, finally
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slipping into Alamut unnoticed. He lived under the radar as a religious tutor known as Dihkuhda
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for several months, instructing the children of Alamut’s garrison and slowly turning
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prominent figures to his side. Eventually, the castle’s governor realised the infiltration,
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but it was too late. He had been slowly surrounded by a garrison and population who supported
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Hasan. Incapable of defending himself, the governor left the castle.
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Alamut’s capture was the beginning of what would become known as the Nizari Ismaili State,
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and the beginning of a new phase in the Ismailis’ relations with the Turkic sultans whom they
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vehemently opposed. What had previously been a clandestine, secret society-like movement
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became an open revolt aimed at the very heart of the Seljuk state, driven by a mix of sectarian
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and Iranian ethnic motivation. Sultan Malik-Shah I and vizier Nizam al-Mulk were keen to extinguish
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this budding heresy, and launched several attacks against Alamut, but the castle held
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out against overwhelming military strength. On the contrary, the Nizaris acquired a second
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enclave of territory in Quhistan after dispatching missionaries to that area.
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They got a break from the attacks in late 1092, when both the sultan and his anti-Ismaili
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vizier died. It is possible that Nizam al-Mulk was the very first victim of the Nizari assassins,
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though the evidence is tenuous. Regardless, the loss of these two plunged the Seljuk empire
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into civil war, essentially fragmenting it into a mosaic of squabbling fiefs ruled by
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religious and military leaders. Hasan consolidated his position and expanded
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Ismaili influence, acquiring other formidable strongholds in the Elburz mountains, among
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them Girdkuh and Lamasar. Rather than being one contiguous state, the various citadels
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of Hasan’s fortress network were almost always surrounded by potentially hostile territory.
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Therefore, the disunited Ismaili mountain castles acted both as an impenetrable defensive
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bastion and a base of operations for religious and military activity. These eastern Ismaili
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supposedly received congratulations and a message of goodwill from Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir,
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but after his death and the great Ismaili schism, Hasan cut all ties with Egypt.
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Although the Seljuk Empire’s post-Malik Shah weakness removed the immediate threat
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to Hasan’s Ismaili realm, the decentralisation also made his ultimate goal - the total overthrow
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of the Seljuks - almost impossible. There was no longer a single figure who could be
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defeated in battle and cast from the throne. In effect, there was now no central target,
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but a whole gallery of petty kings. Surrounded by more powerful adversaries and seeking a
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new method of achieving their aims in lieu of an army, Hasan’s Nizari began to utilize
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another strategy that had been used by Shia groups for centuries - assassination.
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Though political murder was and is a universal method of warfare, the Nizari granted it an
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increasingly central role in their political strategy, knowing how effective it could be.
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This part of Nizari history has been distorted by groups who were hostile to or unfamiliar
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with them and their practices. For example, rumours circulated by later Latin sources
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threw the term ‘Hashashin’ around to designate them, due to the probable fiction of Hashish
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use as inspiration for the assassins. That being said, there does seem to have been what
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might be called a ‘cult of assassination’ in Alamut and the other fortresses. Nizari
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assassins were known as fi’dai - literally ‘those willing to sacrifice’ - and were
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revered for their bravery and courage. This was largely because such missions were considered
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suicidal. Nizari leaders dispatched their fi’dai, who became increasingly professional,
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primarily to dispatch targets who were a known threat to the Nizari State. This included
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Seljuk viziers, local emirs, and prominent rulers.
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The Nizaris also managed to expand their influence into Syria around the time of the First Crusade,
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capturing a few fortresses and intermingling politically with Seljuk principalities and
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the Christian crusader states. In Persia, Muhammad Tapar took command of the Turkic
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empire in 1105 and immediately launched a series of campaigns against all of the Nizari
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territories south of the Caspian Sea. His main stroke fell on Shahdiz in 1107, which
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fell relatively quickly after a fi’dai failed to slay one of the sultan’s viziers. For
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over a decade, Seljuk campaigns against the Nizari continued unabated, resulting in constant
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massacres and persecution of those Ismaili who could not escape to the castles.
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Many Nizari fortresses fell under the assault, but finally, when the Seljuks were on the
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verge of taking Alamut in April 1118, Muhammad Tapar died and the pressure waned. This was
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the beginning of a new phase in Nizari-Seljuk relations - one of a stalemate due to exhaustion.
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Scores of Ismailis had been slain in the cities, damaging their support base. Hasan’s three-decade-long
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anti-Seljuk revolt, in which a ‘state’ with no real army had survived, inflicting
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damage on a giant military empire, had failed, but the Nizari state was still a cohesive
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one. From that point, the focus would turn to defence and consolidation - the transformation
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of the Nizari state into a permanent one. Hasan’s attention turned to scholarly pursuits
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and peaceful relations, though the latter was often achieved by illicit means. For example,
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Hasan received reports that a Seljuk ruler named Ahmad Sanjar was planning a campaign
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against him. Allegedly, that man woke up one day to find a dagger thrust into the bed next
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to him, accompanied by a note stating that Hasan-i Sabbah would like peace. Shocked and
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no doubt slightly terrified, he gave the Nizaris no further trouble, even promoting a relatively
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tolerant attitude and granting them 4,000 dinars per year as a pension.
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The threat of assassination clearly worked as well as the deed itself, at least for as
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long as Hasan was alive. However, the Nizari leader fell ill in 1124 and designated his
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successor, appointing a council of advisors to guide him in the role. In the same year,
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he passed away inside Alamut at the age of 70, having never left the citadel for thirty-four
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years. An effective stalemate continued for decades following his death. Often the Nizari
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in Persia or Syria would take a fortress, only to have another one taken from them.
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There were periods of peace as well as those of intermittent warfare. Throughout all of
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it, the strongholds of Hasan’s movement remained cohesive and organised.
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In 1162, a man named Rashid al-Din Sinan was sent from Persia to lead the Syrian branch
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of Nizari, who had grown in influence in the half-century since first penetrating into
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the region. Despite being far removed from one another territorially, the various Nizari
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enclaves all took their orders from the central leadership in Alamut. This appointee would
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later become known as the Old Man of the Mountain in the tales of European explorer Marco Polo.
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Sinan immediately delved into the ever-shifting, interfaith web of political alliances in Syria,
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eventually sending fi’dais to assassinate an up-and-coming Muslim leader who sought
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to unify the region - Saladin. The Nizari killers failed twice, once after invading
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the Ayyubid ruler’s military encampment and once during his siege of Azaz. Sinan’s
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headquarters at Masyaf was besieged in response, but it did not fall, and a compromise was
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eventually reached between the two great men. One of most notorious assassinations of Sinan’s
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rule occurred during the closing stages of the Third Crusade. A rivalry had existed between
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Philip Augustus and Richard the Lionheart since the venture’s early stages, which
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prompted both men to support different candidates for the crown of Jerusalem. Much to King Richard’s
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anger, the highly competent Conrad of Montferrat was unanimously elected to the throne of Jerusalem.
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However, the prospective monarch would never be crowned. At noon on April 28th 1192, the
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Frankish crusader lord was returning from having lunch with his friend - the Bishop
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of Beauvais - accompanied by a few guards. On his walk, Conrad was approached by two
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Christian monks whom he had become familiar with recently. A conversation began between
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the two groups, putting Conrad’s guards at ease with the seemingly innocuous men.
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At that moment of greatest vulnerability, they suddenly sprang forward with daggers,
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brutally stabbing the king-elect with at least two blows to the side and back.
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Although the assassins - who were fi’dai dispatched by Rashid al-Din Sinan - were either
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killed or captured, Conrad either died instantly from his wounds or soon after being taken
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to a nearby church. Various motivations and culprits have been designated for the murder.
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Richard the Lionheart was accused because of his enmity towards Conrad, while a letter
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to Austria’s Leopold V detailed Conrad’s murder of a shipwrecked Nizari crew in Tyre
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as the cause of his death. Whatever the case, this killing only furthered the mythical European
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vision of mysterious assassins who did not fear death. These later decades of the twelfth-century
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marked a high point of the Syrian Nizaris in particular, a period that came to an end
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when Rashid al-Din Sinan died at Masyaf in 1193. The thirteenth-century was dawning,
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and it would be the equivalent of an apocalypse for the Ismailis.
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At the beginning of the 13th century, the Mongol juggernaut rolled through the Islamic
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world, crushing all in its path. The khans became famous for their utilization of talented
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native peoples from the lands they conquered, and this apparently included a number of Sunni
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courtiers, who despised the Ismaili. They must have known of the Nizari’s reputation
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for defiance, in addition to their penchant for assassination. Perhaps after adding a
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few more fanciful details, these tales must have greatly concerned the khan, who viewed
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them as a risk. After initial lukewarm relations, Muhammad
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III of Alamut received a dreadful shock in 1246. Upon the ascension of Ogedei’s successor
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Guyuk, many Muslim leaders sent embassies of congratulations and gifts to the great
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khan. Out of them, only the Nizari ambassadors were harshly dismissed. To back up this hostile
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stance, the khan proclaimed that of every ten reinforcements he would send to Persia,
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two must be used to reduce rebellious lands, prominently those of the Ismaili. This was
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a policy that Guyuk’s successor Mongke, who desired complete and total domination
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of western Asia, mimicked. Despite offering ferocious resistance, the
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Mongol pressure was simply too great. On November 19th 1256 the final Nizari imam - Khurshah
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- surrendered Alamut to Hulagu and was initially shown mercy. After being escorted from his
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lands, however, he was unceremoniously killed in the Khangai mountains. Back in Persia,
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the walls of captured Nizari fortresses were torn down, vast libraries of knowledge were
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torched and thousands of civilians slaughtered. One by one the mountain strongholds fell,
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with their fi’dais putting up a desperate fight. The final Ismaili castle of Girdkuh
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fell on December 15th 1270. The violent destruction of Hasan-i Sabbah’s
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Alamut-based state put an end to Nizari statehood forever. Against all the odds, the Nizari
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did survive into the modern-day and are currently led by their 49th imam - Aga Khan IV - from
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the Portuguese capital of Lisbon, with an estimated 15 million followers in more than
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25 countries. Although these Nizaris are far less militant, the story of self-sacrificing
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predecessors continues to shine brightly in their memories.
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