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At the height of Rome’s period of anarchy
during the third century, with the empire

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on the very brink of total collapse, a group
of tough soldier emperors took the throne

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for themselves and set about restoring what
had been lost.

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One of these formidable men, Aurelian, took
the Roman Empire with an iron grip, glued

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together its crumbling domain, and set the
stage for another two centuries of dominance.

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Welcome to our video on the Restorer of the
World.

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One evening in early September of the year
268, Emperor Gallienus ate supper in his army’s

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camp near Mediolanum, which was under siege.

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He was there to deal with a treacherous general
named Aureolus, but that would not have been

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all on his mind.

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Rome was in total crisis.

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Almost a decade earlier, the empire had been
ripped into three pieces by Postumus’ revolt

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in the west, and a withering Sassanian assault
in the east.

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Moreover, barbarian attacks from across the
northern frontier were steadily getting worse.

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In the midst of his meal, Cecropius - one
of Gallienus’ commanders - brought word

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that their besieged enemy was readying a sortie.

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The emperor immediately got to his feet and
rushed off to deal with them.

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Suspecting nothing, Gallienus departed without
his personal guard and was quickly beset and

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killed by assassins from within his own ranks,
Cecropius among them.

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The perpetrators were a group of military
commanders from Illyria who had seen considerable

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advancement under the now-dead emperor and
his father Valerian.

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One of them was raised to the throne as Claudius
II.

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Also among the conspirators was the subject
of our video - Lucius Domitius Aurelianus.

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He had been born near Serdica on September
9th of either 214 or 215.

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After joining the army at about the age of
20, he rose through the ranks with astounding

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success.

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By 268 Aurelian was in his early fifties and
had risen to be a high ranking officer who

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was incredibly popular with the troops.

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He had earned so much renown for bravery and
talent that the nickname of manu ad ferrum

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- ‘hand on sword’ - became his.

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Upon taking the Roman throne, Claudius immediately
granted Aurelian a high cavalry command and

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effectively made him his right hand man.

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Together, they took up where Gallienus left
off.

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After quickly executing Aureolus, Claudius
II, with manu ad ferrum at his side, marched

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to Northern Italy and smashed an Alamanni
invasion at Lake Garda.

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The Romans then turned southeast and advanced
into the Balkans, where they managed to defeat

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a Gothic incursion into the Balkans at Naissus
in 269.

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In both of these triumphs and whilst mopping
up afterwards, Aurelian is said to have played

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a decisive role.

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Before Claudius Gothicus Maximus had a chance
to celebrate these victories, he died of plague

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in early 270, triggering yet another power
struggle.

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Quintilius - the late emperor’s brother
and commander of the troops in Italy - claimed

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the throne.

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However Aurelian, by far the most respected
and feared figure in the empire, was simultaneously

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acclaimed emperor by the legions who were
with him.

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Though Quintilius marshalled his forces at
Aquileia, it was not enough.

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By the time Aurelian and his legions neared
Italy, Quintilius’ troops had faltered,

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killed their commander, and confirmed the
ascension of Aurelian in September of 270.

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After deifying his short-lived predecessor,
Aurelian marched back to Pannonia, which was

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being threatened by a Vandal horde.

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The emperor first waged a war of attrition
against them, denying them food and supplies,

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then smashed the weakened barbarians in battle.

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As soon as Aurelian had repelled that Vandal
threat, he received word that a united Juthungi-Alamanni

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army had cut through Raetia and was making
a beeline for Italy.

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Rushing to protect the home province, Aurelian’s
forces caught up with the Germans near Placentia.

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However, the emperor had not been careful
enough, and his exhausted forces were ambushed

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near the city, resulting in a terrible defeat.

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Rumours of the humiliation sent Rome itself
into a panic, but Aurelian continued on as

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though nothing had happened, recovering from
a setback that would have been the end of

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lesser leaders.

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The emperor regrouped his army, pursued the
invaders south for a second time, and managed

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to defeat them by pinning their army against
the Metaurus river.

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Despite its losses, the Juthungi-Alamanni
coalition was still strong, but Aurelian was

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not willing to allow the enemy to retreat
with any Roman spoils.

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After hard, uncompromising negotiations, and
without any further fighting, the barbarians

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eventually departed empty-handed.

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Having dealt with all of this external pressure
in a mere nine months, Aurelian was also keen

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to deal with corruption at home.

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When the corrupt rationalis - or chief financial
minister of the Roman mint - was confronted

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about his own underhanded operations, he incited
his workers, who feared Aurelian’s retribution,

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to riot.

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Quintilius-sympathising senators, disruption
of the grain supply from now Palmyrene-controlled

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Egypt and the prior months’ invasion scare
ratcheted up the tension to the point that

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the riot turned into small-scale pitched battles.

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Up to 7,000 were dead by the time Aurelian
subdued the city with an iron fist.

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Ringleaders, including senators, were summarily
rounded up and executed.

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However, along with this punitive solution,
the emperor also took measures to prevent

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future unrest.

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Beginning in 271 and continuing throughout
the rest of his reign, Aurelian attempted

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to stabilise the coinage and harshly deal
with corruption.

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Most notable of his financial reforms however,
was the strategic relocation of mints away

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from Rome, instead favouring strategic locations,
such as Milan and Siscia, where pay could

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more easily be transported to the armies.

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It was also clear to Aurelian that Rome’s
legions and age-old frontier defences were

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no longer sufficient to protect the empire’s
heartland; individual cities now needed their

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own fortifications.

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So, the construction of a series of practical,
non-aesthetic defensive walls began around

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Rome, which still remain in the modern day
- the Aurelian walls.

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Having done this, Aurelian marshaled the legions
and moved to meet a Gothic raid in the Balkans.

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He arrived during the autumn of 271 and quickly
pushed them back across the river Danube.

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Not content to let the barbarians off so easily,
the emperor crossed the river into enemy territory,

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defeated the Goths decisively, and killed
their king - Cannabaudes.

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It is possible that this Gothic ruler was
the same individual as Cniva, the raider who

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had defeated Decius at Abritus two decades
earlier.

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In the wake of this last conflict, Aurelian
acknowledged that the province of Dacia, which

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was beyond the Danube frontier, was a pointless
exertion of imperial resources and a vulnerable

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gateway into the empire.

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To remedy this, Aurelian ordered that all
legionary forces and citizens withdraw from

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the region, effectively abandoning the province.

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The border was consolidated and shortened
on the near side of the river, and a deal

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was negotiated with a tribe of friendly Germans
to settle in the abandoned area as a buffer.

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It must have been a big step for the conservative
Romans to voluntarily and pragmatically admit

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to this, and it is a sign of Aurelian’s
adaptable and charismatic nature.

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With his central section of the empire safe
for the time being, Aurelian set about mustering

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one of the greatest armies of the third century
throughout the winter months of 271.

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It was made up of some of the most veteran
military units in the empire, including a

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core of legions from Pannonia, Raetia, Noricum
and Moesia.

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To supplement that, Aurelian also brought
along some loyal, elite vexillationes which

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had been with him since the beginning, along
with contingents of Dalmatian and Mauritanian

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cavalry who had proven their worth in the
Gothic war.

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When spring of 272 was near, the emperor ferried
his great invading force across the Hellespont

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and began a steady march across Asia Minor.

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His ultimate aim was an ambitious one - to
reclaim the eastern empire from the de facto

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Palmyrene ruler, Zenobia, who ruled on behalf
of her young son Vaballathus.

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As Aurelian rode at the head of the main field
army, he also sent a naval taskforce to reclaim

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Egypt in May.

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It was possibly, but not certainly, under
the command of future emperor Probus.

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Very little detail is known of the campaign,
but the recently captured Palmyrene possession

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was weakly held, and the Romans recaptured
it by midsummer.

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Meanwhile to the north, Aurelian’s advance
was almost totally unopposed until he reached

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the Cappadocian city of Tyana, which refused
to admit the emperor.

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He was so infuriated by this defiance that
he pledged not to leave even a dog alive once

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the city fell to his armies.

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However, the relatively short siege cooled
Aurelian’s temper and he came to realise

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that leniency would be a more prudent course
of action in the long term.

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To that end, he ordered that his triumphant
army spare the citizens rather than slaying

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them.

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He was to be a liberator of these Roman lands,
rather than a vicious foreign conqueror.

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News of this angered the soldiers, who were
denied their opportunity to sack Tyana.

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They reminded Aurelian of the pledge he had
made, but the emperor was not intimidated,

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replying that “I did indeed decree that
no dog should be allowed to live.

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Well then, kill all the dogs!”

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The angry soldiers were pleased with the joke
and set about carrying out their ruler’s

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orders with calmed tempers.

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Such clemency proved to be a wise strategy.

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After Tyana no city in Asia Minor resisted
Aurelian’s march, and he emerged from the

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Cilician gates into Syria, ready to confront
the Palmyrenes in their home territory.

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Zenobia’s greatest general Zabdas placed
his army in between Aurelian and Antioch.

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Instead of attacking the great city from the
north, where the tactical incentive lay with

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Zabdas, Aurelian instead shifted his forces
to outflank him from the east.

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Worrying that this would move the clash into
unfavourable terrain and onto his own line

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of retreat, the Palmyrene general sent most
of his cavalry to intercept Aurelian on the

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eastern shores of Lake Antioch.

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Rather than risking his infantry against Zabdas’
cataphracts, the Roman emperor sent out his

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horsemen to bait the enemy into a trap.

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When the Palmyrene heavy cavalry charged,
the lighter armoured and armed Roman units

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fled at the first contact, fleeing several
kilometres towards the town of Immae.

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When the overburdened cataphracts and their
horses began to slow down from exhaustion,

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Aurelian’s cavalry turned and countercharged
them, scattering the Palmyrene forces, winning

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a decisive victory and allowing the emperor
to sit on the enemy’s line of retreat.

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Zenobia and Zabdas’ defeat led them to abandon
Antioch and retreat south to Emesa, where

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it is said that 60,000 of Aurelian’s men
faced 70,000 of Zenobia and Zabdas.

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Aurelian once again tried to lure the Palmyrene
cataphractarii into a similar trap.

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But this time the maneuver went wrong and
the emperor’s cavalry caught the brunt of

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the enemy’s charge, resulting in massive
losses and a near-rout.

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The veteran legions of Aurelian were still
fighting however, and they managed to break

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the Palmyrene infantry in front of them.

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On the flanks, Zenobia’s cataphracts charged
too far, and were themselves cut to pieces

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when the Roman infantry pivoted to the wings
and smashed into them.

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The queen fled Emesa to Palmyra, leaving so
quickly that there was not even enough time

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to transport the treasury away from danger.

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As the sweltering high summer approached,
Aurelian wasted no time and embarked on a

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grueling march east through the desert, putting
the enemy capital under siege whilst also

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securing a deal with local bedouins to receive
food.

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Realising that her only hope for aid now was
a personal appeal to the Sassanian king, Zenobia

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snuck through the Roman siege lines and attempted
to flee into Persian territory on a camel.

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However when the alarm was quickly raised,
the Palmyrene ruler was captured by Aurelian’s

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outriders and brought to the emperor.

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The besieged oasis’ population was divided,
but the emperor ended any uncertainty by ordering

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those who wished for peace to come out and
surrender.

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At first people were slow to do so, but when
they witnessed Aurelian’s mercy to the initial

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few, more and more came and submitted, giving
him gifts and tribute in return for pardon.

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Without any further shedding of blood, Aurelian
entered the city of Palmyra in total victory.

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Whilst present there, he trialed and executed
some of the main enemy leaders, including

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Zabdas, imposed a garrison upon the city,
and distributed much of its wealth to the

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soldiers.

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He also received an ambassador from the Sassanian
Empire who brought the shah’s congratulations

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on the great victory.

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His own realm was riven by internal strife
and could not risk a war against Aurelian’s

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power, even if the prize was such a great
one as Palmyra.

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The emperor’s most treasured prize was Zenobia
herself.

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She was spared, but suffered the indignity
of being paraded through Syria’s cities

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chained to a camel.

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This, and rumours of her cowardice in the
face of defeat, were designed to snuff out

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any lingering support the queen may have had.

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As he marched back to the city of Byzantium,
Aurelian assumed the title for which he is

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most well-known, restitutor orbis - ‘restorer
of the world’.

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Still, he had much to do.

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Upon his arrival in Europe, Aurelian crushed
yet another barbarian incursion into Moesia,

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but was then forced to return to Palmyra in
early 273 upon receiving intelligence from

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a loyal subordinate in the area that the city’s
leaders intended to betray him.

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For the second time in less than a year, the
presumably furious emperor approached Palmyra

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after a lightning quick march which took the
rebel leaders totally by surprise.

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There was no time to prepare proper defences,
and Aurelian took the city swiftly.

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Again he showed remarkable restraint in his
vengeance.

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The ringleaders were immediately slain, but
the citizens were permitted to leave.

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The city of Palmyra itself was not so lucky.

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Aurelian allowed his troops to ravage the
troublesome enemy capital; much of its wealth

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was plundered and many of its great structures
razed.

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After this second siege, Palmyra never again
regained its once-held importance and grandeur,

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becoming yet another irrelevant provincial
town on the Roman frontier.

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Before he returned to the west, Aurelian had
to march on Egypt and subdue a revolt there,

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securing Rome’s grain supplies.

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With all business in the east taken care of,
the emperor and his field army returned to

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the capital and set about preparing an expedition
to finally put an end to the Gallic Empire,

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which was at that point under the control
of Tetricus.

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By the time campaigning of 274 began, all
preparations were complete.

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Aurelian marched across the Alps to his foothold
in Gallia Narbonensis, then quickly took Lugdunum.

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The Gallic Empire was weak, but Tetricus nevertheless
rallied his Rhine legions and met Aurelian

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near Chalons in late February.

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Historians debate what truly happened, but
the contest was decided before the first pila

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was thrown.

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Either Aurelian’s superior generalship quickly
gained him mastery of the battlefield, or

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Tetricus made a deal with the emperor to submit
before any fighting was necessary.

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Whatever the case, the splinter empire in
Gaul and Britannia was extinguished, its military

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units were reintegrated into the Roman army,
and the empire was whole once again for the

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first time in fourteen years.

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With his victory now total, Aurelian went
back to the capital with his spoils in tow

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and hosted what might have been one of the
greatest triumphs in all of Roman history.

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Coming up first in the procession were vast
eastern treasures gained from the conquest

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of Palmyra, most prominent among the hoard
being three ornate royal chariots arrayed

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one behind the other.

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First among them was a fabulously crafted
vehicle, ordained with silver, gold, and jewels

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which had belonged to Odenathus before his
own death years before.

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The second was an equally masterful creation
- a Persian chariot which had been granted

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to Aurelian as a gift from the Sassanian king.

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Finally came the true prize, the Palmyrene
queen Zenobia herself, riding in a grand chariot

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that it is said she herself constructed.

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After this glorious display, vast amounts
of exotic animals were exhibited before the

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awestruck population of Rome, such as elephants,
tigers, giraffes, and elks.

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After them came rank upon rank of bound prisoners,
prominent men from Palmyra and barbarian tribes

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in the region - including representations
of the mythical amazons, who had been captured

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during the campaign.

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From his western conquest Aurelian’s highlight
was Tetricus, self proclaimed ‘emperor’,

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clad in a scarlet imperial cloak, yellow tunic
and Gallic trousers.

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Along with the western usurper was his son
whom the former had acclaimed co-emperor the

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year before his defeat.

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When the grand procession came to an end,
vast entertainments were held for days afterwards,

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including theatrical plays, chariot races
in the circus, wild beast hunts, gladiator

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fights, and even a naval battle reenactment.

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After all of the celebrations were over, Aurelian
still could not or would not rest on his laurels.

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As the fifth year of his reign dawned, the
emperor went west to deal with a minor Alamanni

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invasion, and then marched east into Thrace
in the summer.

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Because third century sources can be somewhat
unreliable, it is not agreed as to why Aurelian

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moved east.

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However, most historians either believe that
the emperor was in the Balkans to deal with

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a barbarian invasion, or to prepare for a
great offensive against the civil war-ridden

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Sassanian Empire, whose capture and humiliation
of Valerian had not been forgotten.

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Whatever the case, at some point in the middle
of 275 Aurelian encamped at a waystation on

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the road to Byzantium called Caenophurium,
which was next to the Sea of Marmara.

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It was to be his final resting place.

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While he was there, one of Aurelian’s administrators
of secretaries - a slave or freedman known

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as Eros - did an unknown deed which would
both be inevitably discovered and would inevitably

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bring the emperor’s notorious wrath upon
him when it was discovered.

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To save himself, Eros came up with a desperate
solution.

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Since the bureaucrat was able to imitate Aurelian’s
writing style, he forged a series of documents

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accusing many senior army officers of crimes
and misdeeds, and condemning those same men

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to death.

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When Eros showed the men this list, they were
terrified and reacted too quickly, without

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thought.

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A group of desperate conspirators, led by
a general known as Mucapor, waited until Aurelian

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dismissed his bodyguard, and then stabbed
their emperor to death.

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Yet, the assassination was not a crime of
hatred.

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When the reality of Eros’ deceit came to
light, the officers who had murdered the emperor

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were filled with a combination of guilt, grief,
and fury.

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It was all directed at the desperate secretary,
who the Historia Augusta tells us was tied

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to a stake and savaged by ravenous wild beasts.

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Just like that, with a crude act of deception,
the life of Aurelian came to an end in the

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middle of 275, only five years after he took
the throne.

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Grief struck the entire empire when it learned
of their great emperor’s passing.

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To indicate just what a significant occasion
it really was, the senate and the army did

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not jostle to install the new emperor.

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Conversely, they even bestowed that right
on the other party, aiming to push away the

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accusation of guilt.

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Eventually, Aurelian’s second in command
Probus came to the throne, and after a few

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more tentative years, Diocletian inherited
the Roman Empire and ended the crisis years.

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