[00:00] Shadow Defense Minister James Patterson [00:02] said today the government should be much [00:04] more blunt about the military threats [00:06] facing Australia and that if we really [00:08] knew how serious those threats were, we [00:10] would be demonstrating in the streets [00:12] for more spending on our defense. Orca [00:15] submarines are part of that debate [00:16] following reports from the UK of delays, [00:18] potential delays in production. James [00:21] Patterson joins me now. James Patterson, [00:22] welcome. [00:23] >> Thank you for having me. [00:24] >> First of all, is One Nation going to run [00:26] over the Liberal candidate in Farah? The [00:28] farab election is going to be very [00:30] challenging for the liberal and national [00:31] parties. We know we are not at an [00:33] electoral high point nationally and we [00:35] know that One Nation's appeal at the [00:37] moment appears to be especially [00:38] concentrated in regional and rural [00:40] electorates. But we have an outstanding [00:43] Liberal candidate, an outstanding [00:44] national candidate. And if people do [00:46] want to see change in this country, the [00:48] best way to do that is to vote for a [00:49] Liberal or national who can actually [00:51] change the government, not a party of [00:53] protest that can't deliver anything for [00:55] an electorate like Farah or indeed the [00:57] country. Let's talk James Patterson [00:59] about your speech that you gave today. [01:01] It's essentially, as I said before, [01:02] about truthtelling in defense. As I [01:06] referenced there, you say if the if the [01:07] Australian public knew how likely [01:09] conflict is in our region and how [01:12] illprepared we were for it, they would [01:13] be marching demanding higher defense [01:15] spending. So, first of all, how likely [01:18] is it this conflict? [01:20] I also said it was important not to be [01:22] inflammatory or irresponsible and so I [01:24] don't want to do anything which alarms [01:25] Australians and I particularly don't [01:27] want to do anything that singles out any [01:28] diaspora communities or fakes makes them [01:30] feel uncomfortable. So I want to be [01:32] measured but also direct. There's not a [01:34] percentage that I can put on the [01:35] likelihood of conflict except that it is [01:37] higher than probably most Australians [01:39] think. Uh we have the context here. The [01:42] People's Republic of China is engaged in [01:44] the largest peacetime buildup of [01:46] military capability since World War II. [01:49] And accompanied with that buildup of [01:51] capability is menacing military drills [01:54] around Taiwan and rhetoric from Xi [01:56] Jinping and other Communist Party [01:58] leaders which say reunification with [02:01] Taiwan is a core objective of the [02:03] Communist Party and they are willing to [02:06] use force if necessary. Now, I don't [02:08] believe that Xiinping has made a [02:09] decision to use force, but it is our [02:11] national interest to discourage and [02:13] deter him from doing that along with [02:15] like-minded partners. [02:16] >> If cander is what you're looking for, [02:18] then shouldn't you tell us given those [02:21] circumstances, the context that you [02:23] describe, exactly what the coalition [02:25] would spend to defend Australia [02:27] particularly and on what capabilities? [02:30] Mhm. [snorts] I should provide as much [02:32] information as I can responsibly from [02:34] opposition, but I also shouldn't be [02:36] cavalier about making commitments [02:38] without expert advice. So, what I've [02:40] said is that the best informed [02:42] Australians like Sarangis Houston and [02:44] Professor Peter Dean, two of the [02:46] reviewers for the Albanesei government's [02:47] defense strategic review, have both [02:49] since said we need to be spending 3% of [02:52] GDP on defense. And the coalition is [02:54] committed to achieving that. The Albani [02:57] government has now shifted the [02:58] goalposts. They're now using a different [03:00] measure which includes things like [03:01] military pensions which we never used [03:03] before. But that accounting trick isn't [03:06] a real increase in investment in defense [03:08] capability which is what we need. So we [03:10] say we need 3% of GDP in real terms not [03:13] in pretend accounting. [03:14] >> There's been a shift in the terms used [03:16] by the US military about China. Um well [03:21] maybe it's a a shift rather in the [03:23] analysis over over over recent years. [03:25] This is this is how the uh commander of [03:28] US Indo Indo the IndoPacific Command put [03:31] it recently to the US Senate. China has [03:33] ambitions toward a global military that [03:36] will project power beyond its near [03:38] geography to set the rules for every [03:42] relationship across the globe. Is that [03:44] what you see? [03:46] >> I think it's very hard to disagree with [03:48] that analysis. Obviously, the Chinese [03:51] government's primary national security [03:53] interest is its own homeland, and it's [03:55] near abroad, including Taiwan. But it [03:58] also clearly is building a military [03:59] which is capable of projecting power far [04:01] beyond that. By tonnage and the number [04:03] of ships, it now has the largest navy in [04:06] the world. And I think history tells us [04:08] that it's very rare for great powers to [04:10] acquire such significant military [04:12] capability and then never use it. Now, I [04:14] hope that they don't use it. And we can [04:16] help make sure that happens by working [04:18] with other like-minded partners, Japan, [04:20] the United States, the Philippines, and [04:21] others who have a shared interest in the [04:23] stability and peace of the Indopacific. [04:25] But we need to be doing more than we are [04:27] now if that is what we want. [04:29] >> How much is current US behavior [04:33] impacting public support for the [04:35] alliance right now? [04:37] I think it's inarguable that an [04:39] unconventionable US administration in [04:41] the second Trump administration has [04:44] reduced Australian public support uh for [04:46] the alliance as expressed in opinion [04:48] polls and that's consistent across the [04:49] western world. It's particularly evident [04:51] in Europe. I don't think that actually [04:53] changes the fundamentals of the US [04:54] Australia alliance. It's still [04:56] incredibly robust at other levels. But I [04:58] think we should be adult and be honest [05:00] and acknowledge that that has had an [05:02] impact on how Australians view the [05:03] United States. and I hear them and [05:05] understand why they have that concern. [05:07] It doesn't mean though that Australia's [05:08] national interest has changed even if [05:10] Australians disapprove of this [05:11] administration. [05:12] >> I understand that. But is it realistic [05:14] at the same time to tell Australians [05:16] that the alliance is essentially [05:18] unchanged when what you're saying is [05:20] there is less trust in its [05:22] commanderin-chief? [05:24] >> Well, I think the alliance is about more [05:25] than just the personalities of any one [05:27] commander-in-chief. But it's also [05:30] about that. [05:32] >> Yes. And I acknowledge that and I'm not [05:33] trying to argue with you on that Sarah. [05:34] Of course, that's a relevant [05:36] consideration. But the US system is a [05:38] deep system. It includes its defense [05:40] establishment, its intelligence [05:42] establishment, its Congress. It's a [05:43] co-equal branch of government. And in [05:46] each of those branches of the [05:47] government, support for the Australia [05:49] alliance is fundamental because frankly [05:51] it's in America's national interest. [05:52] What Australia offers the United States, [05:54] it cannot get from elsewhere. things [05:56] like HMA Sterling which is the submarine [05:59] rotational base that will be established [06:00] in the next couple of years for US [06:02] nuclear submarines to visit. Things like [06:04] Pine Gap and other intelligence [06:06] facilities which are a critical part of [06:08] the Five Eyes Alliance. Those are things [06:09] which the United States gets from [06:11] Australia which it can't get elsewhere. [06:13] And in turn there are things that we get [06:15] and continue to seek from the United [06:17] States which we can't get from elsewhere [06:19] including the Orcus partnership. [06:20] >> Let let's talk about um HMA Sterling the [06:23] military base in WA. The same Admiral [06:26] Paparro said about it recently. In fact, [06:28] in the same testimony, he said, uh, it's [06:30] on track for the US forces that will [06:32] arrive there in WA next year. He said, [06:35] "We could be ready to operate a [06:37] rotational submarine squadron out of [06:39] Australia tomorrow." Do you endorse that [06:42] assessment? [06:43] >> Well, it's certainly a very welcome [06:44] assessment, and I can't do anything [06:47] except take him on his word except note [06:49] that that is not the consensus of [06:50] opinion amongst defense and strategic [06:52] experts in Australia. There are many who [06:54] are concerned that we are not on track [06:56] to meet the milestones because it is a [06:58] very ambitious infrastructure build in [07:01] order to have its full capabilities [07:02] available. So, it's possible that a US [07:04] submarine could visit now, but to get [07:06] all of the sustainment and maintenance [07:08] that we hope ultimately to provide to [07:10] the US Navy, I think will take some more [07:11] time. [07:12] >> Why would Admiral Paparo say that it's, [07:14] you know, in good enough state to send a [07:16] quad a squadron there, but he [07:17] anticipates it will be ready next year. [07:19] It's incredibly important to him. Why [07:21] would he say that if it's as behind as [07:23] you suggest it is? And Angus Taylor also [07:25] who today said the base is all talk and [07:27] not enough investment. [07:29] >> Well, Indopaccom is very bullish on uh [07:32] Orcus and very bullish on the alliance [07:34] with Australia. They are some of our [07:35] best friends and strongest advocates in [07:37] the US system and I'm glad they are [07:39] positive and leaning in and want to do [07:41] more with the United States and I would [07:43] never discourage them for doing so. I [07:44] think it's in our national interest. But [07:46] I think as Australians we can also admit [07:47] that we've got hurdles to meet. We've [07:49] got work to do and I don't get the sense [07:52] of urgency nor do I see the sufficient [07:55] investment on at a sufficient pace in [07:57] order to meet all those hurdles. [07:59] >> I want to talk about the reporting [08:00] that's come out of the uh UK [08:02] parliamentary inquiry into their [08:05] involvement in August. The language they [08:07] used is deeply concerning uh about [08:10] delays in the investment pipeline. Now [08:13] you're talking about uh planning for [08:16] contingencies now. Is that because you [08:19] think that we are not going to meet [08:21] those milestones and we need to make [08:22] decisions now for acquisitions that will [08:25] fill gaps created by Orcus next decade? [08:29] >> What we've heard from the UK Parliament [08:31] is sobering, but it's consistent from [08:32] what we've heard from congressional [08:34] analysts in the United States as well, [08:36] which is that Orcus is achievable, but [08:38] not on status quo policies, not without [08:40] increased investment and focus and [08:42] momentum. And so I want to both double [08:45] down on August to make sure it is [08:46] delivered hopefully on time and on [08:48] schedule, but also prepare for [08:50] contingencies for any possible [08:52] capability gaps that might emerge. You [08:54] know, right now as a country, we are [08:55] trying to engage in a life of type [08:57] extension for our Collins class [08:58] submarines, which in simple terms [09:00] involves cutting it open, upgrading the [09:03] components, and putting it back together [09:04] again. And that's a high-risk activity [09:07] which could involve slippage. And I [09:08] don't want any capability gaps to open [09:10] up particularly in the late 2020s or [09:13] early 2030s at exactly the moment of the [09:16] greatest peril according to most defense [09:18] analysts. So I do think we have to start [09:20] thinking about possible contingencies of [09:22] complimentary capabilities that can help [09:24] fill any of those gaps should they [09:26] emerge. [09:26] >> And what would that what would that [09:28] capability look like? You're talking [09:29] about stealth bombers. [09:31] >> Yeah. What one idea I put on the table [09:32] today which I've encouraged the [09:33] government to have a second look at is [09:35] the B-21 uh stealth bomber. It is a [09:38] longrange stealth strike capability [09:40] which is one of the functions that a [09:42] nuclearpropelled submarine would perform [09:44] and it has the advantage of hopefully [09:46] deterring any economic coercion or [09:48] military coercion on Australia's supply [09:50] chains particularly at the strategic [09:53] choke points the maritime choke points [09:55] to our north and northwest. Uh that's [09:57] the kind of capability that could be an [09:59] addition to a nuclear submarine [10:01] capability but also supplement it before [10:03] it arrives. [10:04] >> James Patterson, thank you very much [10:05] indeed for joining us. Thanks Sarah. [10:07] >> Thank you.